Tag Archives: Politics

Black Economic Empowerment: South Africa’s Failed Attempt at Redress.

By Joseph Kennedy.

When Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) was introduced by the government, the promise of a new economic landscape came with it. Yet over thirty-five years after the official end to the country’s apartheid, South Africa remains one of the most divided societies in the world. Despite billions in business deals and endless government scorecards, inequality has barely shifted, unemployment has worsened, and a handful of connected elites have become the faces of the failed movement.

The Black Economic Empowerment movement emerged in the years after Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress party took office in 1994, when the new government inherited an economy completely divided by race. Apartheid had locked the Black majority out of ownership, skilled work, and corporate leadership. BEE was designed to be the economic counterpart to South Africa’s political liberation.

Formalized through the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act in 2003, the policy set out to expand ownership, provide employment opportunities, and grow a Black middle class that had been racially excluded for generations. In practice, this meant a corporate scorecard system that rewarded companies for Black ownership stakes, affirmative action in recruitment, and procurement from Black-run businesses.

These scorecards covered metrics including who sat on boards and executive teams, recruitment and promotion of black employees, money was invested in training and skills development, and trade with black-owned suppliers. Businesses could climb the BEE “levels” by hitting these targets, and a higher score made it easier to win government contracts or become a preferred supplier for large corporations.

From the government’s perspective, this mix of ownership transfers, hiring targets and skills investment was supposed to create a broad-based Black middle class and open pathways for new Black entrepreneurs. At its launch, BEE was promoted as the blueprint that would finally give Black South Africans a meaningful place in the economy they had long been cut out of.

So, what went wrong? The issue wasn’t the idea; it was how it was implemented. Rather than creating broader opportunities, the first wave of empowerment deals instead placed enormous quantities of wealth in the hands of a small group of politically connected elite. Billions of South African Rand in share transfers went to fewer than 100 people, according to governance researchers. As a result, most Black South Africans saw little change in income, employment, or mobility.

Companies often treated BEE as a compliance exercise, ticking boxes on ownership targets without building real ground skills or supporting new entrepreneurs. Procurement rules, designed to favor Black-owned suppliers, were frequently exploited through “fronting”, where businesses appointed Black partners on paper to secure contracts.

Once politics became involved, the trouble only deepened. Procurement around state-owned giants like Eskom and Transnet became crowded with well-connected government officials, inflating prices and driving the corruption crisis that later defined the state capture years. So as the wider economy stalled, the policy’s promise of change was replaced by rising frustration from a middle class that was supposed to be expanding, not shrinking.

In 2025, the impact of BEE’s failures is plain to be seen in South Africa’s economy. Inequality has barely shifted, with the average white household still earning more than four times the income of a Black household, according to Stats SA.

Unemployment tells the same story, where joblessness sits at around 37% for Black South Africans but falls to single digits for their white peers. The policy’s narrow focus on share deals and political insiders left millions without the skills, capital or mobility needed to break into the formal economy. On the ground, this has meant fewer new jobs, higher living costs, and a squeeze on families trying to climb into the middle class. South Africa is now left with the worst of both worlds; a transformation project that hasn’t transformed much, and an economy struggling to grow under the weight of inequality it was supposed to fix.

BEE was initially implemented with the aim of levelling the playing field and reducing the stark contrast between ordinary white and black families. Instead, it created a new political oligarchy, where wealth and opportunity circulate among the same well-connected names while millions remain shut out. The policy’s original promise hasn’t disappeared, but it now depends on shifting away from elite share deals and towards genuine skills, entrepreneurship, and most importantly, economic opportunity. Without that reset, equality, prosperity and economic freedom will remain something South Africans talk about, rather than experience.

Qatar: A Controversial World Cup Host

We are less than one month away from the beginning of the latest edition of the FIFA World Cup. The hosts to follow the well debated Russian successful bid in 2018 is the wealthy Gulf state of Qatar. Thirty-two nations and over 1.5 million fans are set to descend on Qatar over the month of World Cup action. It should be a time where we celebrate football’s unique ability to bring us all together. However, scepticism over Qatar’s suitability for its role of World Cup host abounds. 

Shoddy labour protection, deaths of migrant workers, the general disdain Qatar holds for the LGBTQIA+ community along with practical concerns such as those over accommodation and leisure have cumulated in unprecedented criticism for the Gulf state and FIFA.  

Scandals of bribery have rocked FIFA over its 2010 decision to make Russia and Qatar consecutive World Cup hosts, with former FIFA President Sepp Blatter banned from football until 2027.  Alas, Qatar remains the host. The nation state has fully committed to their unique opportunity to boost its “soft power and to add to its political influence” by spending over $200bn to act as host. Eight stadia have been refurbished or entirely constructed along with the creation of a new public transport system and international airport to meet the prerequisites for accommodating the tournament. Although Qatar’s oil reserves have made it a wealthy country, an outlay of $200 billion is immense for a country of only 3 million inhabitants.  

Initial projections by the Qatari government of potential revenues generated by the World Cup amounted to $20bn. However, projections have already been revised downwards to approximately $17bn. Financial outlays by former World Cup hosts have not seen the economic returns that were projected, with many financial experts noting the limited economic benefit of hosting a football tournament. The costs simply outweigh the potential financial benefits. However, there is an interesting pattern emerging in the previous hosts of the World Cup since 2010. Qatar, like Russia, South Africa and Brazil beforehand, have all experienced weakened soft power and concerns over political stability. This World Cup acts as a potential public relations boon, and that is what Qatar seeks.  

The image Qatar is trying to project, and the reality, appear very different indeed. According to the Guardian, 6500 migrant workers have died in the Gulf state since 2010. Amnesty International has joined mounting pressure to renumerate workers abused by the unlawful practices in the construction of stadia for the World Cup. Amnesty believes a figure of $440mn would be appropriate to compensate these individuals and their families. This, coupled with Qatar’s prohibition of many activities we have grown accustomed to, has exacerbated concern regarding Qatar’s suitability. These include the consumption of alcohol and tobacco, photography and reading non-Muslim religious texts.  

This all culminates in a situation where Qatar’s bet on this World Cup represents a significant risk.  

Backlash to the World Cup has been noteworthy with commercial sponsors ‘disliking’ the choice of Qatar as host. However, their dislike has not warranted much action as many continue to support the Qatari World Cup. One benefactor has emerged as an exception to this pattern. Danish football team sponsors Dankse Spil and Arbejdernes Landsbank have surrendered their sponsorship position on the Danish jerseys. They have replaced their brands with a series of human rights messages. The Danish Football Association and their sponsors believe they can draw attention to their reservations through powerful symbolism on the Danish football jerseys.  

This stance has been widely lauded by fans across the globe. However, Ricardo Fort, a well-established marketing executive, believes many companies will remain silent about issues in Qatar unless it impacts their companies directly.  

The projected soft power gains and increased tolerance of the Qatari regime will only succeed if we allow it to, by collectively ignoring the reality of those suffering at the hands of the Qatari state. 

We must raise our concerns against a homophobic, abusive regime hosting a tournament that is meant to celebrate our collective differences. As Lewis Hamilton said, “Cash is King”. The sponsors of this tournament will follow our collective morals regarding this contest. This may seem bleak as sponsors merely follow the trends of the time; however, I think this gives ordinary people the power to influence change. As we watch our favourite footballers throughout the month of footballing mania, keep those who have suffered and those who continue to suffer under the Qatari regime in your mind.